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ven. 08/09/2017 Atelier HELAN2: Dan Dediu "Variation at all levels"

The more we look into it, the more patterned variation between individuals we find at all levels. But does this variation affect language, and if so, how? I will argue in this very informal talk that understanding these patterns of variation and their non-linear effects on language is extremely important for having a full story about language, including its diversity, robustness and complexity. In particular, I will focus on my recent work that tries to connect anatomical variation in the vocal tract with cross-linguistic phonetic and phonological diversity.
14h00-15h30
ISH Ennat Leger


ven. 08/09/2017 Séminaire DDL- DTT
9h30-12h
ISH, salle Elise Rivet
Conférence de :
  • Eva Schultze-Berndt (University of Manchester)
  • Marine Vuillermet (DDL)
dans le cadre des séminaires DDL

Conférence d'Eva Schultze-Berndt (& Denise Angelo (Australian National University)) : "Just you wait! Temporal expressions as the source of grammaticalised apprehensive markers " (9h30-10h30)
The grammatical category of apprehensive (also labelled admonitive, timitive or evitative), encodes the modal meaning of undesirable possibility, with the pragmatic function of threats or warnings. Until recently, this category has not received a great deal of attention in typological or formal semantic research on modality, despite being widespread cross-linguistically, e.g. in Australian, Papuan and Austronesian languages, and in Carib and Pano-Takanan languages of South America (Vuillermet, accepted). Correspondingly, little research exists on the diachronic sources of such markers. Attested sources include complementisers with main verbs of fear and the lexical verb ‘look, watch’ (Lichtenberk 1995), as well as general modal markers of possibility (Bybee et al. 1994: 211; Verstraete 2005; Pakendorf & Schalley 2007). In this paper, we present the first cross-linguistic exploration of the grammaticalisation of temporal connectives as apprehensive markers. Attested cases are found in Pidgin Hawaiian (Roberts 2013), Germanic languages (German nachher ‘afterwards’; Dutch straks ‘soon, later’ (Boogaart 2009)), and Australian languages (e.g. Nhanda urda(mundi) ‘soon, directly’ (Blevins 2001: 80; 103-104); Mangarrayi barlaga ‘now’ (Merlan 1982: 147)). Furthermore, three English-lexified creole languages of the Pacific, Hawai’i Creole, Norf’k, and Northern Australian Kriol, employ a grammaticalised reflex of English by and by in apprehensive function (Mühlhäusler 2010: 356–357; Sakoda and Siegel 2008: 536; Siegel 2011: 545; Angelo & Schultze-Berndt 2016). We propose that the semantic link between the temporal and the apprehensive function involves pragmatic enrichment in the form of a Conventionalised Invited Inference (e.g. Geis and Zwicky 1971; Traugott and Dasher [2001] 2004: 34–40; Traugott 2004: 552–553). The extension of a marker of temporal succession to an apprehensive function builds on the well-established invited inference from temporal succession to causation, in a clausal sequence where the first clause has the illocutionary force of a directive, and the second spells out the undesirable consequence of not heeding the directive, with the temporal marker inviting the inference of a causal link between the two, e.g. Don’t go near that dog! In a moment it will bite you! Indeed, clauses with apprehensive markers are often described as predominantly occuring in the context of a precautionary measure clause, to the extent that they have frequently been classified as subordinate clause markers even if there is strong evidence for their main clause status. A diagnostic of the conventionalisation of the apprehensive function is the potential of the marker to occur without explicit mention of the precautionary measure, and, furthermore, with an unambiguous interpretation of a negative consequence even if the context does not strongly suggest such an interpretation.
Conférence de Marine Vuillermet : "Apprehensional morphology crosslinguistically: a preliminary account with a focus on the Amazon" (11h-12h)
“Apprehensional morphology” subsumes any grammatical morpheme encoding "fear", fear being defined as "a judgement of undesirable possibility" (cf. Verstraete’s (2005) definition of the Apprehensive mood in the non-Pama-Nyungan languages). The goal of this presentation is to examine its crosslinguistic distribution and explore the typological profile of the mor-phemes across different geographic areas. For example, Ese Ejja (Takanan, Amazonian Bolivia and Peru) displays an exceptionally fine semantic granularity with three distinct apprehension-al morphemes (Vuillermet, To appear 2018): the Apprehensive mood marker in (1), the Avertive subordinator in (2), and the Timitive postposition in (3). (1) ’Biya ’biya ’biya ’biya! Kekwa-ka-chana miya! bee bee bee bee pierce-3A-APPREHENSIVE 2SG.ABS ‘Bee, bee, bee, bee! Watch out it might sting you! (2) Owaya ekowijji shijja-ka-ani [e-jja-saja-ki kwajejje]. 3ERG rifle clean-3A-PRS AVERTIVE-MID-block-MID AVERTIVE ‘He cleans his rifle [lest it get blocked].’ (3) Iñawewa kwaji~kwaji-ani ’biya=yajjajo. dog run~RDP-PRS bee=TIMITIVE ‘The dog is running for fear of the bees.’ While all three Ese Ejja morphemes encode fear, i.e. the undesirability and the (high) possi-bility of an event (or the undesirability of an entity from which one expects undesirable events), they differ in locus (verb vs. noun), syntactic scope (main verb vs. subordinate verb vs. nominal phrase) and perspective (that of the speaker vs. that of the main clause subject). Other languages have only one or two markers for similar functions: for instance, the appre-hensional morpheme fang in Marrithyiel (Western Daly; Australia; Green 1989) covers all three functions (1-3). Apart from Lichtenberk’s (1995) seminal paper, which includes data from 9 languages and establishes 4 functions (2 of which are encoded in Ese Ejja by distinct morphemes (illustrated in (1-2)), apprehensional morphology has been little studied from a crosslinguistic perspective. In the light of the functional typology established by Lichtenberk (1995) and Vuillermet (To appear 2018), my presentation will show that apprehensional morphology is a widespread phenomenon, attested in about 70 languages, and particularly frequent in Northern Australia and the Amazon, while virtually absent from the African Macro-Area (Hammarström & Donohue 2014). Using WALS-like maps, I will examine the crosslinguistic distribution of apprehensional morphology not only as a domain, but also function by function, to look for possible areal phenomena, focusing on South American languages.




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